The natural context of conservation
In the progression of the natural development of the island territories, the relationship between the native indigenous inhabitants and their environment was, arguably, a sustainable one. An examination of the biological diversity of the territories throughout their history reveals cultures that depended on their natural environment, understood that dependence, and took measures to ensure a sustainable relationship with their environment. This understanding shaped not only spiritual beliefs but practical applications and customs, which, although ignored at first by colonizing powers, still have lessons in today’s world.
This careful and methodical management of natural resources by native cultures was true across all territories. Even so, in ways that might be shocking in terms of today’s conditions. Take, for instance, species that today are considered endangered, like the Iguaca (Puerto Rican Amazon) parrot, or the West Indian Manatee, both of which were food sources for the Taíno that inhabited Puerto Rico and the US Virgin Islands. The population numbers of both species used to be much higher in pre-colonial times, a testament to the measured approach the indigenous culture had when it came to managing their resources.
This also extended to agriculture and farming. For thousands of years, before European colonizers arrived on the shores of the Caribbean, the Taíno had learned how to manage the land properly. They would use techniques involving slash-and-burn cultivations, along with ‘conucos,’ which were piles or mounds formed from years of conch and other food debris to cultivate in. These mounds, in particular, allowed them to obtain a significant yield increase in terms of agricultural production while maintaining the soil’s fertility and preventing over-farming. The implementation of these techniques not only facilitated their sustenance but represented a significant societal advancement, allowing for leisure time for other activities, but was also one of the few cultivation systems with environmental conservation as a trait.
Consequently, these practices were an integral part of the Taíno culture and beliefs that ensured their advancement and development in the region, even if it was ignored when the Spanish arrived.
A very similar philosophy and mindset played out in the Samoan islands before colonization. In American Samoa, today, the area with the greatest marine biodiversity in the US, for more than 3,000 years, the culture was “rooted in a respect for and reliance on the environment.” Under Fa`a-Samoa, or the cultural context that governs life in the islands, there is a great emphasis on the community and its welfare. Among its several aspects is the ancient concept of tapu. This concept regulated the activities of this oceanic culture that relied heavily on fishing (and still does to this day, although to a lesser degree). In order to protect resources, areas that were overstressed became off-limits for fishing activities, using seasons and lunar periods as guides.
This traditional knowledge, like with the Taíno, was quintessential to life in the Samoan archipelago.
Then there were the “taotao tano,” or people of the land: The CHamoru people of the Mariana Islands. The Marianas—today Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands—have been their ancestral homelands for more than 4,000 years and, as such, are the soul of their culture. Consequently, the CHamoru believed in an essence in Nature, one which they attempted to live in harmony with, given the interdependence involved.
Like the Taíno in the Caribbean, the CHamoru also utilized resources that today are in rare supply. The fanini, a fruit bat, and the fadang, a cycad plant—both endangered and found only in the Marianas—were regular staples of their diet and closely tied to cultural traditions.
But as with matters like perception, citizenship, ideas, and tourism, colonization would arrive to fundamentally alter matters in the territories and in the context of conservation, strictly and objectively, for the worst.
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